Fernando Alcoforado *
A social class is a group of people who have similar social status according to different criteria. In Brazil, we have as social classes the economic and financial elite, middle class and low social class. The economic and financial elite is a privileged, minority group composed of those with economic power and / or social dominance. It is made up of the traditional elite, the business and the big offices elite, the elite of the new rich and the rural elite. The traditional elite is composed of the descendants of the aristocracy of the past who still have a dense social and intellectual role in the construction of conservative standards and an extremely discreet economic and political role in Brazil. The traditional elite is distinguished by language and posture very different from the new rich. The traditional elite was little affected by the economic and financial crisis that broke out in Brazil in 2014 and is reactive to political, economic and social changes. The traditional elite electorally opts for an enlightened right-wing candidate like Geraldo Alckmin, a candidate who bears the profile of the stable conservative politician who appeals to the traditional elite who may evolve into a far-right candidate like Bolsonaro if he feels threatened by left-wing or center.
The business and the offices elite is comprised of lawyers and executives from outside Brazil, whose careers are up-to-date, connected and connected to the outside world. They work in business management, human resources, marketing, legal departments, financial markets. business, business media, business associations, corporate executives from large Anglo-American and European multinational corporations, professors from expensive and modern schools of business administration, a large community of health professionals whose clientele is the highest class, the people of the world of fashion and events, the fashion space. Totally globalized, for them Brazil is just an investment platform, has no root, respect or admiration for the country, dream of living in New York, Paris or London. The business and big offices elite were little affected by the economic and financial crisis that broke out in Brazil in 2014 and is reactive to political, economic and social changes. Electorally he is of right center with tendency to vote in Geraldo Alckmin, but that can evolve towards a candidate of extreme right like Bolsonaro.
The elite of the new rich are the new, successful entrepreneurs who use symbols of wealth such as modern homes, motorboats, airplanes, large imported cars, watches and designer pens. The elite of the new rich have been little affected by the economic and financial crisis that broke out in Brazil in 2014 and is reactive to political, economic and social changes. Electorally it has sympathy for the extreme right-wing candidate like Bolsonaro for the security factor, a concern of this group, which considers crime as something to combat simply and without connection with other factors. The rural elite, from the interior of the country, are a great class of agricultural entrepreneurs who have enriched themselves and have great economic and electoral strength. Electorally it is of right-center. In a presidential election the tendency is to vote for a conservative candidate like Geraldo Alckmin, but who can evolve into an extreme right-wing candidate like Bolsonaro. The rural elite are made up of agricultural entrepreneurs who have enriched themselves and have large financial resources. Electorally he is of center right with tendency to vote in Geraldo Alckmin, but that can evolve towards a candidate of extreme right like Bolsonaro.
The middle class possesses a reasonable purchasing power and standard of living and consumption, so as not only to meet their survival needs but also to allow varied forms of leisure and culture, although without reaching consumption standards considered exaggerated of the economic and financial elite. The middle class aspires to move up the socioeconomic scale and is afraid to descend it. It is composed by individuals who have been struggling with all their strength to achieve a better socioeconomic position. 53% of Brazil’s population is part of the so-called middle class. It is made up by ntellectual elite, corporate elite and lower middle class. The intellectual elite concerns a group of considerable size linked to the academic world, universities, the arts, literature, the media, science and pure research and state-owned enterprises. It has generally left bias, pessimistic view of the country’s directions and of overcoming its social fissures. This group was orphaned by the fall of the PT Government and is in search of new names and projects. The intellectual elite is against current economic policy and the neoliberal model of government and yearns for major political and social reforms. The candidates of the intellectual elite are Ciro Gomes, Marina Silva or Fernando Haddad.
The elite of corporations linked to the middle class are members of the Federal Police, the Federal Revenue Service, the MPF (Federal Prosecutors), the Federal Judiciary, the Federal Court of Audit, the Federal Attorney General’s Office and the Public Defender’s Office due to the empowerment born of the “moralist crusade against corruption” and its political alliance with the mass media that consider themselves to be pure representatives of the state. Electorally, corporate elite tend to vote in Bolsonaro for its proposal to fight corruption, a concern of this group, which considers this crime as something to combat simply and without connection with other factors. The lower middle class concerns a middle class group of individuals who do not yet have the required status so they can be classified as middle class. The lower middle class was deeply affected by the economic and financial crisis that broke out in Brazil in 2014 and is favorable to political, economic and social changes. The lower middle class tends to vote for Fernando Haddad in the expectation that he will adopt PT (Workers Party) social policies that benefit him.
Low social class has been conventionally treated as having the least purchasing power, as well as having a low standard of living and consumption relative to other social classes. The low social class, constituted by the urban and rural proletariat, was deeply affected by the economic and financial crisis that broke out in Brazil in 2014 and is favorable to political, economic and social changes. The lower social class is against the current economic policy of the government and yearns for major political and social reforms. The candidates of the lower social class are Fernando Haddad and Ciro Gomes.
It is perceived that the interests of the economic and financial elite are contradictory with the of the middle-class intellectual elite and those of the lower middle class.. The traditional, of the business and the big offices elite, the elite of the new rich and the rural elite, and the middle-class corporate elites are reactive to economic, political, and social changes because they would be hindered by them, which tend to support the far-right Bolsonaro , while the middle class (intellectual elite and lower middle class) and low social class, favoring political, economic and social changes, should choose Ciro Gomes or Fernando Haddad. In short, the Brazilian people will have to choose between maintaining the status quo, with the victory of the candidates Alckmin or Bolsonaro, who would benefit it, especially the economic and financial elite, or the political, economic and social change that would benefit the middle class and low social class with the victory of the candidates Ciro Gomes or Fernando Haddad.
Jair Bolsonaro, who is a far right, is the preferred candidate of the economic and financial elite and the elite of corporations linked to the middle class to become president of the Republic because he promises to maintain the neoliberal economic model, privatize state assets, cut government spending, and balance the government budget by following the orientation already adopted catastrophically by the government Michel Temer. Bolsonaro is the preferred candidate of middle-class sectors in Brazil for the purpose of fighting against corruption and loosening the restrictions on firearms and giving more power to the police in the fight against crime. The great appeal that Bolsonaro offers to the general public is related to his anger against traditional politicians and against corruption. However, Bolsonaro does not present any economic plan that contributes to overcoming the economic crisis that unhappy the vast majority of the population.
Ciro Gomes, who is center-left, already has a set of proposals with which, as he says, Brazil will celebrate a “national development project”. For Ciro Gomes, the development project he defends aims to overcome misery. To reach it, the tactic is to industrialize the country. He proposes to develop the industrial complex of health to remove the country from international dependence on drugs, equipment, prostheses, diagnostic technology – many of which, he said, with patent expired. And finally, develop the defense industrial complex. Ciro Gomes affirms that he will reduce the interest rate constantly to a global level and that he will propose a project of change in the tax system with the adoption of taxes on large fortunes. Ciro Gomes proposes a strategy that contributes to the reduction of the public debt that is the main economic problem faced by Brazil. One of the first measures, he said, would be to repeal FHC’s law that repealed taxation on profits and dividends.
Fernando Haddad, who is a center-left, focuses on increasing credit for production and consumption in order to reduce the number of unemployed. Among the proposals that Haddad and the PT summit advocate to confront the crisis are the creation of a Development and Employment Fund, a 20% increase in Bolsa Família and a real increase in the minimum wage, as well as correction of the Income Tax table, with ceiling of exemption superior to the current one. In short, Haddad would try to reactivate the Brazilian economy and increase the supply of jobs with public investment through the use of international reserves and the expansion of credit for production and consumption. However, Fernando Haddad does not present any economic plan that contributes to overcoming the economic crisis that unhappy the vast majority of the population.
These are, therefore, class interests at stake in the upcoming presidential elections. I hope that my fellow readers of this article will reflect deeply and make the choice that best meets the interests of Brazilian society as a whole and not just a social class. The future of Brazil and future generations are at stake.
* Fernando Alcoforado, 78, holder of the CONFEA / CREA System Medal of Merit, member of the Bahia Academy of Education, engineer and doctor in Territorial Planning and Regional Development by the University of Barcelona, university professor and consultant in the areas of strategic planning, business planning, regional planning and planning of energy systems, is the author of 13 books addressing issues such as Globalization and Development, Brazilian Economy, Global Warming and Climate Change, The Factors that Condition Economic and Social Development, Energy in the world and The Great Scientific, Economic, and Social Revolutions that Changed the World.
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