INTERVENTIONS BY THE ARMED FORCES IN BRAZIL THROUGHOUT HISTORY AND ITS CONSEQUENCES

Fernando Alcoforado*

Historically, there have been five interventions by the Armed Forces in Brazilian politics that have changed the direction of Brazil throughout history: the intervention that overthrew the Monarchy in 1889, the intervention that helped to overthrow the Oligarchic Republic in 1930, the intervention that ended the State Novo and deposed Getúlio Vargas in 1945 and the one that led to his suicide in 1954 and the intervention that put an end to the Democratic Republic in 1964. The military intervention on November 15, 1889 led by Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca resulted in the proclamation of the Republic. The military intervention of 1889 happened because the imperial regime was in decline with the development of several events such as the economic crisis related to the end of the slave trade and slavery and the government’s disputes with the military and the Church that shook the monarchy.

The conflict with the Church began in 1864, when Pope Pius IX sent a bull that determined, among other things, that all Catholics involved in the practice of Masonry be immediately excommunicated. This announcement ended up directly affecting Dom Pedro II, who was part of the Freemasonry cadres. With the end of the slave trade and slavery, the government of D. Pedro II lost the support of the large landowners who benefited from slavery, the last pillar that supported the existence of imperial power. In turn, the aggravation of relations between the Army and the Empire was sufficient for a military coup to overthrow the Monarchy and proclaim the Republic in Brazil. At this time, the military sought more institutional prestige that was not served by D. Pedro II, evoking, for this, their role in the War of Paraguay, representing themselves as messiahs of the nation. The military thought they were morally superior to civilian politicians, since a few years earlier they had contributed to “save the country” in the Paraguayan War.

The military also sought to make viable a republican political project inspired by the positivist philosophy whose motto was “order and progress”, inscribed on the flag of Brazil, which seduced the younger portion of the army officers led by Benjamin Constant. The main deplorable fact of the Proclamation of the Republic in 1889 is that it was not the result of the struggle of the Brazilian people, but of a coup d’état sponsored by the Army with the support of the economic oligarchies that dominated Brazil. Despite being the product of a coup d’état and not having the participation of the people, the proclamation of the Republic represented a positive step in the history of Brazil because it put an end to the execrable monarchy.

However, the intervention of the Armed Forces in 1889 brought as an evil consequence the fact that it contributed to the implantation of the “Republic of the Sword” when Brazil was ruled by the “iron hand” by Army representatives until the first civilian president took office, Prudente de Morais, in 1894, which inaugurated the period called “Oligarchic Republic” which was characterized by giving greater power to regional elites, especially in the southeastern part of the country, such as São Paulo and Minas Gerais, because they prevented the occupation of the main position of the Executive Power by representatives of other economically important states at the time. The Sword and Oligarchic Republics are called “Old Republic” that came into existence from 1889 until 1930 when did it still prevail in Brazil the agrarian-export model that was structured based on the latifundium since 1500, the exercise of power in a pseudo-democratic manner by the oligarchies that dominated Brazil and the maintenance of the country’s subordination in relation to England since the Empire since 1810.

In the 1920s, we again found the military in conflict with civilian politicians, again acting as an actor in destabilizing the political system prevailing in the Oligarchic Republic. It was at this time that the movement called “Tenentismo” appeared. The nature of the movement and the social origin of the military involved, almost all were young officers, the “lieutenants”. The lieutenants’ argument was that the political system of the time, the Oligarchic Republic, was corrupt and they said to be the nation’s moralizers. With the end of the oligarchic pact that then governed Brazil in 1930, lieutenants used their weapons in defense of the political movement that became known as the “Liberal Alliance” that presented Getúlio Vargas’ candidacy to the Presidency of the Republic, which lost the 1930 elections for the government candidate, Julio Prestes, and, not accepting defeat, ended up assuming power overthrowing the Washigton Luis government. The Vargas Era marks the change in the direction of the Republic, transferring the nucleus of political power from agriculture to industry. This second military intervention was worthwhile because, contributing to the end of a corrupt and backward political system, it opened the way for the modernization and industrialization of Brazil with the so-called Revolution of 30.

The political forces that came to power in 1930 under the leadership of Getúlio Vargas supported and implemented an industrialization project with the objective of removing Brazil from economic backwardness and propelling it towards progress with the implantation of its own industrial park, along the lines European nations and the United States. It was the first time in the history of Brazil that a government made such an option. In 1930, the ideology of nationalism became victorious with autonomous development with a strong industrial base. Getúlio Vargas instituted the dictatorship of the Estado Novo in 1937 after the outbreak of the revolutionary movement led by the communists in 1935, which was crushed by the federal government. The Estado Novo was an authoritarian regime inspired by fascism, in such a way that the new Constitution of 1937, called Polish, is directly inspired by the Italian molds of that time. On October 29, 1945, under pressure from the United States government, military invaded the Palácio do Catete, in Rio de Janeiro, and forced the resignation of President Vargas. Thus, the fall of the Estado Novo was consolidated. The military intervention that resulted in Vargas’ rise to power and the rise of the Estado Novo dictatorship brought Brazil’s industrialization and modernization as a positive factor. Its negative consequence was the implantation of a dictatorship that lasted from 1937 to 1945 which resulted in the imprisonment and exile of all who opposed the Vargas government. In turn, the military intervention that led to the deposition of Vargas in 1945 brought as a positive factor the establishment of a representative democratic system based on the 1946 Constitution.

Brazil was once again governed, in the first half of the 1950s, by President Getúlio Vargas, who came to power through the electoral route and, when printing to his government the same populist and nationalist policy adopted from 1930 to 1945, began to to be the target of the American government and its internal allies, who wanted him out of power. The deposition of Getúlio Vargas in 1945 and his suicide in 1954 in order not to be deposed and imprisoned by the Armed Forces were consequences of this process. Once again, there was intervention by the Armed Forces in the political life of Brazil without the country suffering a political setback. Later, throughout 1963, the country was the scene of social unrest that polarized the currents of thought of the right and left around the conduct of government policy. In 1964, the situation of political instability worsened. The discontent of the national business community, of the ruling classes as a whole and of broad sectors of the middle class was accentuated against the João Goulart government. On the other hand, the popular and union movements were pressing for the government to carry out the social and economic reforms that benefited them. Public acts and demonstrations of support and opposition to the government broke out across the country. On March 13, the Central do Brasil rally took place in Rio de Janeiro, which brought together 200 thousand workers in support of João Goulart. A week later, the landowners, the industrial bourgeoisie and the conservative sectors of the Church held the “March of the Family with God and for Freedom”, considered the culmination of the movement to oppose the government.

During this period, the Armed Forces were influenced by the ideological polarization experienced by Brazilian society related to the conflict during the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union and by the breakdown of hierarchy and discipline due to the upheaval of subordinate sectors (cables, soldiers, sergeants and sailors). Scholars on the subject say that the breakdown of hierarchy and discipline in the Armed Forces was the main factor that caused the military’s decision to move towards the coup movement. The rally in Central do Brasil with the presence of President João Goulart was the decisive moment to determine the organization of the military to start the coup d’état by establishing a military dictatorship in the country that lasted 21 years. The military intervention took place on March 31, 1964 with the coup d’état that was consummated on April 1, 1964. This military intervention in the history of Brazil brought as a positive factor the economic modernization and high economic growth during the military governments. However, the military dictatorship also left as a bad legacy the end of political democracy with restrictions on the activities of parliament and the judiciary, as well as the impeachment of mandates of opposition politicians, the death and torture of opponents of the military dictatorship. The end of the military dictatorship came in 1985 after pressure from civil society and a new democratic political system came into being in 1988 with the establishment of a new Constitution and the New Republic. From 1988 to 2018, the political process developed in Brazil without major abnormalities that began to occur after the election of Jair Bolsonaro for the presidency of the Republic.

From the above, the following is concluded:

1. The military intervention that resulted in the proclamation of the Republic represented a positive step in the history of Brazil because it put an end to the execrable monarchy, but it brought, as an evil consequence, the implantation of the “Republic of the Sword” (1889/1894) when Brazil was ruled by “hand of iron” by Army representatives until the inauguration of the first civilian president who inaugurated the“ Oligarchic Republic ” (1894/1930) whose power was exercised in a corrupt and pseudo-democratic manner.
2. The military intervention in 1930 that resulted in Vargas’s rise to power brought the industrialization and modernization of Brazil as a positive factor and its negative consequence was the implementation of a dictatorship that lasted from 1937 to 1945.
3. The military intervention that led to the deposition of Vargas in 1945 brought as a positive factor the establishment of a representative democratic system based on the 1946 Constitution.
4. The military intervention that led to the deposition of Getúlio Vargas and his suicide in 1954 in order not to be deposed and imprisoned by the Armed Forces took place without the country suffering a political setback.
5. The military intervention with the coup d’état in 1964 brought as a positive factor the economic modernization and high economic growth during the military governments. However, the military dictatorship also left as a bad legacy the end of political democracy with restrictions on the activities of parliament and the judiciary, as well as the impeachment of mandates of opposition politicians, the death and torture of opponents of the military dictatorship.

It can be seen, therefore, from the above, that military intervention in 1889 did not lead to the establishment of a democratic Republic, that of 1930 resulted in the dictatorship of the Estado Novo and that of 1964 resulted in a military dictatorship that lasted 21 years, except for the deposition of Getúlio Vargas of power in 1945 which resulted in the establishment of a democratic republic based on the 1946 Constitution and also in 1954 which led to Vargas’ suicide and continuaion of the 1946 Constitution. The balance of military interventions was extremely negative for Brazil because democracy did not take place after the proclamation of the Republic and was struck in 1930 and in 1964 with the dictatorship, despite the economic advances obtained with the military interventions in 1930 and 1964.  Therefore, those who think that military interventions are beneficial for the country are mistaken.

Now, after one and a half years of government, President Jair Bolsonaro and his followers are advocating a new military intervention to implant a dictatorship to govern according to their interests. The National Congress and the Federal Supreme Court that act as counterweights in relation to the Bolsonaro government are considered their enemies, in addition to the press and the vast majority of the Brazilian population that repel them. Even the Bolsonaro government’s aura of being incorruptible, of fighting corruption, cannot be sustained because it articulates with corrupt parties belonging to the “centrão” in order to avoid the end of its mandate for the various crimes of responsibility that he has practiced, in addition to interfering in the Federal Police for his own benefit revealed in the episode of Sérgio Moro’s removal from the government. It should be noted that the adhesion of many military personnel to Bolsonaro’s candidacy and the decision to be part of his government is due to his anti-corruption campaign speech.

The defense of the homeland and national interests are objectives that must be pursued by the Armed Forces of any country. None of this has been practiced by the Bolsonaro government thanks to its subordinate alignment to US interests and international capital by delivering the Alcântara Base to the United States, by denationalizing Embraer with its sale to Boeing, by privatizing and denationalizing refining, distribution and transportation of oil and gas sectors by Petrobras and by making a huge oil auction in the pre-salt area, carrying out the largest delivery of national wealth in the history of Brazil to international capital. How to justify the delivery of the Alcântara Base to the United States, other than the submission of the Bolsonaro government to the US government? How to justify the denationalization of one of the largest national companies with a high degree of technology like Embraer, except the submission of the Bolsonaro government to the United States and international capital? How to justify the privatization of the refining, distribution and pipeline transportation sectors of Petrobras, the largest national company and with a high degree of technology, to the benefit of international capital? How to justify the oil auction in the pre-salt area by making the largest delivery of national wealth in history to foreign capital?

As the Bolsonaro government is not a good example in the fight against corruption and is not an example in the defense of national interests, the Armed Forces need to correctly assess their role in the political events that are shaking Brazil at the moment so as not to incur a strategic error that would occur if they adhered to the Bolsonaro’s deplorable purposes of promoting a coup d´état. According to the Constitution, the Armed Forces of Brazil (FA), constituted by the Navy, the Army and the Air Force, are national, permanent and regular institutions whose constitutional mission is to ensure the defense of the Fatherland, the guarantee of constitutional powers and, at their initiative, law and order. Bolsonaro conspires against everything that establishes the Constitution by not looking after the defense of the Fatherland, by not guaranteeing the constitutional powers, by intending to close the National Congress and the Supreme Federal Court and undermine the established law and order. By conspiring against what the Constitution establishes, Bolsonaro is committing a crime of responsibility liable to lose his mandate.

It would be a serious strategic mistake for the Armed Forces to support Bolsonaro, who, in addition to attacking national interests, represents a threat to democracy and to the fulfillment of the Constitution that they have a duty to ensure. If the Armed Forces support Bolsonaro and his fascist horde in their purpose of implanting a dictatorship in Brazil, their leaders would also be held responsible for the same crimes committed against the Constitution and against the nation. Therefore, the Armed Forces should not support the Bolsonaro government, which is not incorruptible and threatens national sovereignty, in addition to intending to destroy the representative democratic system by implementing a dictatorship under its command. It would be a suicidal act by the Armed Forces to support a political adventurer like Bolsonaro who behaves like a psychopath.

* Fernando Alcoforado, 80, awarded the medal of Engineering Merit of the CONFEA / CREA System, member of the Bahia Academy of Education, engineer and doctor in Territorial Planning and Regional Development by the University of Barcelona, university professor and consultant in the areas of strategic  planning, business planning, regional planning and planning of energy systems, is author of the books Globalização (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1997), De Collor a FHC- O Brasil e a Nova (Des)ordem Mundial (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1998), Um Projeto para o Brasil (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 2000), Os condicionantes do desenvolvimento do Estado da Bahia (Tese de doutorado. Universidade de Barcelona,http://www.tesisenred.net/handle/10803/1944, 2003), Globalização e Desenvolvimento (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 2006), Bahia- Desenvolvimento do Século XVI ao Século XX e Objetivos Estratégicos na Era Contemporânea (EGBA, Salvador, 2008), The Necessary Conditions of the Economic and Social Development- The Case of the State of Bahia (VDM Verlag Dr. Müller Aktiengesellschaft & Co. KG, Saarbrücken, Germany, 2010), Aquecimento Global e Catástrofe Planetária (Viena- Editora e Gráfica, Santa Cruz do Rio Pardo, São Paulo, 2010), Amazônia Sustentável- Para o progresso do Brasil e combate ao aquecimento global (Viena- Editora e Gráfica, Santa Cruz do Rio Pardo, São Paulo, 2011), Os Fatores Condicionantes do Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2012), Energia no Mundo e no Brasil- Energia e Mudança Climática Catastrófica no Século XXI (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2015), As Grandes Revoluções Científicas, Econômicas e Sociais que Mudaram o Mundo (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2016), A Invenção de um novo Brasil (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2017),  Esquerda x Direita e a sua convergência (Associação Baiana de Imprensa, Salvador, 2018, em co-autoria) and Como inventar o futuro para mudar o mundo (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2019).